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LATEST
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Libya Turkey Maritime Deal Pulls Brussels Into Greek Cypriot Row

Benghazi: The Libya Turkey maritime deal returned to the centre of Mediterranean diplomacy this week, after the eastern House of Representatives approved the 2019 memorandum unanimously and the European Union answered within a day. European Council President António Costa and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen called the memorandum null and void, said it infringes the sovereign rights of third states and does not comply with the law of the sea, and reaffirmed solidarity with Greece and Cyprus.

The vote on the Libya Turkey maritime deal matters because of who cast it. The memorandum was originally signed with the Tripoli government, and for years the eastern parliament, which is aligned with Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, refused to endorse it and even cut political ties with Ankara. By reversing course, the east has turned a disputed agreement with one Libyan administration into a position shared across the divided country. Turkey’s foreign ministry welcomed the decision, and Haftar’s son Saddam, the deputy commander, described it as protection for Libya’s economic interests at sea.

Greece rejects the legal logic outright. Athens argues that Libya and Turkey have neither opposite nor adjacent coastlines, so there is no basis for delimiting a boundary between them, and that the memorandum ignores the maritime rights of Greek islands, Crete among them. Foreign Minister Giorgos Gerapetritis telephoned his Cypriot and Egyptian counterparts after the vote, which shows how the Libya Turkey maritime deal now binds three capitals with overlapping claims into one diplomatic front. Egypt and Greece signed their own exclusive economic zone agreement in 2020, which Ankara opposes.

For Brussels, the dispute has a practical edge. The eastern Mediterranean holds significant natural gas resources, and the European Union has spent years trying to reduce its dependence on Russian supply. Any survey ship, drilling licence or cable route in waters claimed by both sides could turn a legal disagreement into a confrontation. The EU statement also opposed outside interference in Libya, a reminder that the Libya Turkey maritime deal sits inside a wider contest for influence over a country that has had rival governments since the 2011 uprising.

The Union’s tools are limited and mostly legal. It can restate its 2019 position, which it did, raise the issue in its dialogue with Ankara, and support Greek and Cypriot efforts to build cases in international forums. It can also link the file to the broader EU Turkey relationship, where a Cyprus settlement, energy and customs questions are already on the table. What it cannot easily do is compel Libyan or Turkish compliance, because neither is bound by a European Council conclusion.

The Libya Turkey maritime deal therefore tests how far European solidarity extends beyond statements. Member states with different views of Ankara will decide whether this week’s wording becomes a sustained policy, with surveillance of Turkish activity, coordinated diplomacy and a clear line on any exploration in the disputed zone. Watch whether Greece and Cyprus ask for the item on the next Foreign Affairs Council agenda, whether Turkey and the eastern Libyan authorities move from ratification to survey work, and whether Tripoli accepts the new consensus. The answers will show whether the Libya Turkey maritime deal stays a paper dispute or becomes a lasting strain on EU Mediterranean policy in 2026 and beyond.