Strasbourg: Parliament has told the Commission what it expects from the first EU anti-corruption strategy, and the list runs from political donations to the revolving door between public office and private jobs. MEPs adopted the resolution by a show of hands on 8 October 2026 after a debate the day before, and the Commission is preparing its strategy for publication before the end of the year.
The resolution does not change the law. It sets out Parliament’s position as the Commission drafts the EU anti-corruption strategy, and it builds on the anti-corruption directive that entered into force in May 2026 and that governments must implement within two years. Raquel García Hermida-van der Walle of Renew Europe, who co-authored the resolution and led Parliament’s work on the directive, said every day of waiting on implementation hurts victims. Mariusz Kamiński of the European Conservatives and Reformists said the Union must start with its own institutions if it wants to fight corruption.
On money in politics, Parliament wants the strategy to set common standards, disclosure that covers political foundations and intermediaries, and clearer financing rules. It also asks for consistent rules on conflicts of interest, gifts, sponsored travel and asset declarations, tighter controls on officials who move into private-sector jobs, and clearer lobbying requirements. The sources give no donation caps or cooling-off periods, so those details remain open for the Commission’s draft.
The EU’s own house gets attention. MEPs call for the Union to become a full member of the anti-corruption body GRECO and for regular reviews of EU institutions by other EU institutions. They also want stronger safeguards on procurement, grants and the conditions attached to EU funding. The EU anti-corruption strategy would therefore apply scrutiny to Brussels as well as to national capitals.
Enforcement is the other pillar of the EU anti-corruption strategy. Parliament asks for properly funded and independent anti-corruption bodies, more resources for the European Public Prosecutor’s Office and closer cooperation with Europol, Eurojust and OLAF. Member states outside the EPPO are urged to join. The text also calls for better tracing, freezing and recovery of criminal assets, flags risks from crypto-assets and opaque ownership, and asks for the gradual elimination of golden visas.
Protection of watchdogs features strongly, with calls to shield whistleblowers, investigative journalists and the independence of judges. Parliament also wants common indicators to measure results, more precise recommendations in the Commission’s annual rule of law reports, and rule of law conditionality in the next long-term budget. Those requests would turn the EU anti-corruption strategy into something that can be tested against data.
Public opinion supports the push. A 2025 survey cited in the coverage found that 69 percent of Europeans consider corruption widespread in their country, and the 2025 business Eurobarometer found 64 percent of companies disagreeing that party funding is sufficiently transparent and supervised. Two sources differ on how far organised crime relies on corruption, with one citing 71 percent of criminal groups and another almost 60 percent, so readers should check the original studies before they quote either figure.
The decisive moment arrives when the Commission publishes its text. If the EU anti-corruption strategy adopts Parliament’s call for firm standards on donations, lobbying and revolving doors, it could give the directive real force. If it stays at the level of principles, MEPs will use the rule of law reports and the budget talks to press again.
