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Media Freedom Act Tested as Spyware Loophole Persists

The European Media Freedom Act, the EU’s first attempt to write press freedom into binding single-market law, has applied since 8 August 2025, yet a year of monitoring suggests the rules are landing softly. Independent assessments published this spring describe stagnation across the bloc, with journalist safety, ownership transparency and state advertising all flagged as deteriorating. The gap between the law on paper and its enforcement has become the central rule-of-law question in this field.

## What the European Media Freedom Act promises

The regulation sets common standards intended to shield newsrooms from political and commercial pressure. It requires transparency over who owns media outlets, fairer rules for allocating state advertising, and safeguards for editorial independence.

Its most closely watched provision is Article 4, which protects journalists and their sources, including a prohibition on pressing reporters to reveal sources through detention, sanctions, office searches or intrusive surveillance software.

## The Article 4 spyware loophole

Critics argue Article 4 promises more than it delivers. Spyware may still be deployed against journalists when justified case-by-case on national-security grounds, or in serious-crime investigations where national law allows it.

Analysts have flagged three weaknesses in particular:

– Retrospective authorisation can legitimise surveillance after it has happened.
– Wide national-security discretion leaves governments significant room to act.
– Outsourcing surveillance to private entities is not clearly closed off.

Each member state must designate an independent authority to handle journalists’ spyware complaints, issuing an opinion on compliance within three months of a request.

The Act also creates a European Board for Media Services to coordinate national regulators and limits the power of large online platforms to remove press content arbitrarily, a recognition that media freedom now plays out on private infrastructure as much as in courtrooms.

## A stalling rule-of-law picture

Independent monitoring paints a discouraging backdrop. The Liberties Rule of Law Report 2026 found stagnation as the dominant trend, with very limited progress among member states and media pluralism continuing to deteriorate through 2025.

Increased harassment and physical attacks on journalists were reported in Bulgaria, Croatia, Italy, Slovakia and the Netherlands, alongside rising ownership concentration and the politicisation of state advertising.

## Why enforcement lags

The tools exist but the follow-through does not. Despite the adoption of the Media Freedom Act and the Anti-SLAPP Directive, implementation remains slow and often superficial, with many governments still behind in passing the national measures needed to give the rules teeth.

The political climate is unhelpful: one member state has gone to court seeking to annul key parts of the law, underscoring how contested the project remains.

## What happens next

The pressure now shifts to enforcement. The Commission’s annual rule-of-law cycle will test whether national authorities are genuinely independent and whether complaints are acted upon. For Europe’s journalists, the question is no longer what the law says, but whether anyone will make it bind.

Civil-society groups want the Commission to treat slow transposition as a compliance failure rather than a teething problem, and to use infringement powers where governments stall. Until that happens, the Act risks becoming a statement of values that newsrooms cannot yet rely on in practice.