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Why Europe Struggles to Turn Savings Into Investment

Brussels: Europe has a paradox at the heart of its economy that no amount of summit communiqués has yet resolved. Its households are among the world’s most diligent savers, parking trillions of euros in low-yielding bank deposits, while its companies complain they cannot find the patient capital to scale. The Savings and Investments Union, the rebranded and broadened successor to the long-stalled Capital Markets Union, is the Commission’s attempt to close that gap. The ambition is straightforward; the execution has proved anything but.

The logic is compelling on paper. If even a modest share of the savings sitting idle in current accounts were channelled into equity, venture funding and capital markets, Europe could finance its own digital and green transitions without leaning so heavily on bank lending or foreign investors. The continent’s reliance on banks for corporate finance, far greater than in the United States, leaves firms exposed when banks retrench and starves high-growth companies of the risk capital they need. Commissioner Maria Luis Albuquerque has argued that agreement on the remaining legislation is achievable within roughly a year, and the bloc’s six largest economies publicly pushed the agenda forward in late May, a rare show of political will.

Yet the obstacles that buried Capital Markets Union for a decade have not vanished simply because the project has a new name. The most stubborn is sovereignty. Member states guard their authority over capital-markets law, insolvency regimes and taxation jealously, and genuine integration requires ceding some of it. A single market for capital cannot coexist with twenty-seven different bankruptcy codes, twenty-seven supervisory cultures and twenty-seven tax treatments of cross-border investment. The Council took a substantive step in June 2025 by agreeing a position on a directive harmonising key aspects of insolvency law, including creditor rights and pre-pack procedures, but that progress underscores how granular and politically sensitive the remaining work is. Insolvency reform is the unglamorous plumbing on which the entire edifice depends.

There is also a cultural dimension that legislation cannot quickly fix. The shift of household savings from deposits into equities is not merely a matter of regulation but of trust, financial literacy and risk appetite, and bank supervisors have cautioned that it will take time. A German or Italian saver who has never owned a share will not pivot to capital markets because Brussels has published a strategy. The supply of investable products, the cost of cross-border participation and the simple fear of loss all weigh against the behavioural change the union assumes. Securitisation reform, intended to free up bank balance sheets so they can lend more, addresses the supply side, but demand has its own inertia.

The strategic stakes explain why the project keeps returning despite its failures. Europe’s competitiveness debate, crystallised by warnings that the bloc is falling behind on innovation and productivity, has made the financing gap impossible to ignore. The continent’s most promising start-ups still cross the Atlantic to find late-stage capital and public markets deep enough to reward them. Each departure is a transfer of future tax revenue, jobs and technological edge. The Savings and Investments Union is, in that sense, less a financial-plumbing exercise than an industrial-policy one dressed in the language of markets.

Whether 2026 proves the breakthrough year its champions promise will depend on a familiar test of political resolve. The technical proposals on securitisation, insolvency and market integration are moving through Council and Parliament, and the diagnosis commands broad agreement. What has always been missing is the willingness of capitals to surrender control over a domain they treat as national prerogative. Until that calculus changes, Europe will keep doing what it has done for a decade, drafting elegant strategies to mobilise capital it cannot quite bring itself to unify, while its savers earn little and its companies look elsewhere.