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MEPs End The Standoff That Stalled Europe’s Digital Currency

Madrid: The lawmaker who has done most to shape Europe’s digital euro is a Spanish centre-right MEP, and for months his own caution was the project’s biggest brake. Fernando Navarrete, the Parliament’s lead rapporteur, had pushed to shrink the planned central-bank currency to offline use only, a version that would have worked like a digital coin in a pocket but offered little of the online reach the European Central Bank wants. His decision to drop that restriction has unblocked the file, and the assembly is now closing in on a negotiating position that keeps both an online and an offline form alive.

The shift matters because timing has become political. At their March summit, EU leaders set a goal of approving the digital euro legislation by the end of this year, and the ECB has been blunt that the calendar only works if Parliament and the Council move in parallel. Executive board member Piero Cipollone has repeatedly urged MEPs to take a stance, pointing to a pilot phase with selected payment providers due to begin in the third quarter, and to a possible issuance date of 2029 should the law pass during 2026. Without a parliamentary mandate, none of that sequencing holds.

The design now taking shape tries to answer the fears that have dogged the idea since it was proposed. An offline mode, working from a phone or card without a network connection, is meant to mimic the privacy of cash, with low-value payments leaving no trace at the central bank. An online mode would let users pay across the euro area through their existing banking apps. Holding limits, still to be fixed, are designed to stop households shifting large balances out of commercial banks and into central-bank money, a movement that lenders warn could drain the deposits they rely on to fund loans.

Supporters present the project as a question of sovereignty as much as convenience. They note that a large share of Europe’s card and online payments runs through a handful of non-European networks, and argue that a public digital currency would give the bloc a payment rail it controls, usable even if private systems fail or are cut off. For citizens, the promise is a free, universally accepted means of payment that survives the slow retreat of physical cash.

The doubts are equally well rehearsed. Privacy advocates want firm guarantees that the online version cannot become a tool for surveillance of everyday spending. Banks lobby for tight holding caps and a clear commercial role in distribution, fearing disintermediation. Some MEPs question whether citizens, already served by instant transfers and card schemes, actually need a new instrument, and whether the cost of building it is justified.

Navarrete’s concession does not settle those arguments, but it lets them move from the abstract to the concrete, into figures for holding limits and rules on data. Once Parliament adopts its line, trilogue talks with the Council can begin in earnest, and the leaders’ end-of-year deadline stops being aspirational. Whether the euro becomes something Europeans tap onto a phone by the end of the decade now depends less on whether the idea is sound and more on whether the institutions can agree the fine print in time.